Race and the death penalty: there is bias

Last week we noted the unusual decision of the U.S. Supreme Court to issue a stay of execution for a death row defendant in Texas based on racial bias introduced into the original court hearing. This week we've seen, one day apart, the death of two convicted murderers, one where the victim was black and the convicted killer was white; the other where the victim was white and the convicted killer, black. We are not going to weigh in on the guilt or innocence of the convicted, even though there was much evidence in the case of Troy Davis. The gult of white supremacist Lawrence Russel Brewer, convicted of the dragging death of James Byrd Jr., was far clearer.

Setting aside guilt, innocence, and the possibility of judicial misconduct - as well as the justification of the death penalty in any cases - which has been the focus of much of the media attention, what hasn't received a lot of attention is the role of race in cases that eventually end up with a convict on death row. Perhaps because it's a too touchy subject for the mainstream media to handle.

If you look at these two high profile cases, you might conclude that black on white and white on black crime receive equal sentences. That would be incorrect. There is a belief in the U.S. that statistically blacks are put to death at a higher rate than whites, when convicted of similar crimes. That is not correct. But there is racial bias. Here is how it plays out: Blacks convicted of killing whites are put to death by the state at a far higher rate than whites convicted of killing blacks.

The stats are here:

Questions of whether or not the death penalty was applied fairly along racial lines surfaced in McCleskey v. Kemp. McCleskey argued that there was racial discrimination in the application of Georgia's death penalty. As evidence for this claim, McCleskey presented the results of an extensive statistical study by Professor David Baldus of the University of Iowa Law Schooland his colleagues. Baldus’ study collected information about all the capital defendants in Georgia—whether or not they were sentenced to death. This information allowed the researchers to control for hundreds of variables about the offender, victim and crime—thereby permitting a statistical comparison of cases in order to see what factors influenced whether a person was sentenced to death. Professor Baldus found, among other things, that:

  • Fewer than 40% of Georgia homicide cases involve white victims, but in 87% of the cases in which a death sentence is imposed the victim is white. White-victim cases are roughly eleven times more likely than black-victim cases to result in a sentence of death.
  • When the race of the defendant is added to the analysis, the following pattern appears: 22% of black defendants who kill white victims are sentenced to death; 8% of white defendants who kill white victims are sentenced to death; 1% of black defendants who kill black victims are sentenced to death; and 3% of white defendants who kill black victims are sentenced to death. (Only 64 of the approximately 2500 homicide cases studied involved killings of blacks by whites, so the 3% figure in this category represents a total of two death sentences over a six-year period. Thus, the reason why a bias against black defendants is not even more apparent is that most black defendants have killed black victims; almost no cases are found of white defendants who have killed black victims; and virtually no defendant convicted of killing a black victim gets the death penalty.)
  • No factor other than race explains these racial patterns. The multiple-regression analysis with the greatest explanatory power shows that after controlling for non-racial factors, murderers of white victims receive a death sentence 4.3 times more frequently than murderers of black victims. The race of the victim proves to be as good a predictor of a capital sentence as the aggravating circumstances spelled out in the Georgia statute, such as whether the defendant has a prior murder conviction or was the primary actor in the present murder.
  • Only 5% of Georgia killings result in a death sentence; yet, when more than 230 non-racial variables are controlled for, the death-sentencing rate is 6% higher in white-victim cases than in black-victim cases. A murderer therefore incurs less risk of death by committing the murder in the first place than by selecting a white victim instead of a black one.
  • The effects of race are not uniform across the spectrum of homicide cases. In the least aggravated cases, almost no defendants are sentenced to death; in the most aggravated cases, a high percentage of defendants are sentenced to death regardless of their race or their victim's; it is in the mid-range of cases which, as it happens, includes cases like McCleskey's that race has its greatest influence. In these mid-range cases, death sentences are imposed on 34% of the killers of white victims and 14% of the killers of black victims. In other words, twenty out of every thirty-four defendants sentenced to die for killing a white victim would not have received a death sentence if their victims had been black.

Again, white-victim cases are eleven times more likely to receive the death penalty sentance than black-victim cases. That's just in Georgia, and there is no national research on this issue, but there is no reason to believe that in the big death penalty states, mostly located in the South, that the racial bias would be any different. Research has also shown that race can impact capital punishment sentences in several ways: the race of the defendent, the race of the jury, and the race of the prosecutor and/or defense attorneys.

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